Iñaki Echeverria: Gardener of the Megacity in the Architect's Newspaper


Gardener of the Megacity: At Lake Texcoco Ecological Park in Mexico City, Iñaki Echeverria tests large-scale solutions for stormwater mitigation and improving biodiversity using modest natural tools, Architect's Newspaper, July/Aug. 2025.


La oficina de Iñaki Echeverria se encuentra en una estructura de madera tropical de dos pisos con vista al vasto humedal de 14,000 hectáreas en el extremo nordeste de la Ciudad de México, donde ha dedicado los últimos 15 años de su carrera al desarrollo del Lago de Texcoco Parque Ecológico. Al amanecer, la vista del Lago Nabor Carrillo se extiende hasta las montañas en el horizonte: el monte Tláloc, hogar tradicional de los dioses de lluvia, y junto a él, alguna vez cubierto de nieve, el volcán Iztaccíhuatl. Para Echeverría, formado en la escuela de arquitectura de la Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México (UNAM) y en el programa de diseño urbano de la Escuela de Posgrado de Arquitectura, Planificación y Conservación (GSAPP) de la Universidad de Columbia en la década de 1990, todo el proyecto es una inmenso experimento científico que pone a prueba lo que él y Richard Plunz describieron en un articulo de 2001 para la revista Praxis como el uso de la “lógica del jardinero” para reabastecer estratégicamente un lago antaño desecado.

Iñaki Echeverría’s office is stationed in a 2-story tropical timber structure overlooking the vast 55-square-mile wetland on the northeastern edge of Mexico City, where he has devoted the last 15 years of his career to developing the Lake Texcoco Ecological Park. At dawn, the view across Nabor Carrillo Lake stretches all the way to the mountains on the horizon—Mount Tláloc, traditional home of the rain gods, and beside it, the once-snowcapped Iztaccíhuatl. For Echeverría, trained at the National Autonomous University of Mexico’s (UNAM) architecture school and in Columbia University GSAPP’s urban design program in the 1990s, the whole project is an immense scientific experiment testing what he and Richard Plunz described in a 2001 article for Praxis magazine as using a “gardener’s logic” to strategically replenish a once-desiccated lake.

Full story in the Architect's Newspaper.

Passive House Public Schools by ARO in Downtown Brooklyn

"Passive House Public Schools: PS 456/KGIA," Metals in Construction, Vol. 22, 2025.



Wedged between two large residential towers and two historic buildings on a constrained triangular lot negotiating between low-rise Boerum Hill and rapidly growing downtown Brooklyn, a pair of public schools meeting strict Passive House standards used 1,315 tons of steel and employed smart design, engineering, and construction phasing to create enough space for 850 students. The decision to aim for the highest zero-energy environmental standards added unusual complexity to combining two visually distinct schools in one 146,000-square-foot structure meant to last at least 100 years.

When the project at 80 Flatbush Avenue was announced by Alloy Development in 2017, local residents denounced the scale of the 74- and 38-story mixed-use towers, the tallest originally set to top out at 986 feet. At the center of the block, Alloy planned to partner with the city’s Education Construction Fund, which works with private developers to build public schools accommodating the city’s ever-growing school-age population, issuing bonds to finance construction. But citing the development’s scale, bulk, and proximity to a residential district, the local community board’s land-use committee voted unanimously against the necessary rezoning. Without it, the towers could only reach a maximum of 400 feet.

Four months later, however, the City Planning Commission approved the rezoning anyway. Then, spurred by elected officials mediating between local opponents and the developers, Alloy agreed to reduce the height of the tallest structure by 146 feet, still more than twice as tall as the zoning otherwise permitted. The rezoning quickly cleared the rest of the public review process. Six years later, in the fall of 2024, two new public schools built to Passive House standards and a 44-story all-electric apartment tower with 440 rental units opened their doors. (The 860-foot-tall tower has yet to be started.)

Architect and Alloy co-founder Jared Della Valle led the design of the towers but brought in Architectural Research Office (ARO) to design the school building, having previously collaborated with the firm on a single-family house for Syracuse University’s Near Westside green-home initiative. “We’re good at making complex things not seem complex,” said Stephen Cassell, an ARO principal and the lead designer for the project.

The architectural strategy centered on two principles. First, the educational buildings would have their own distinct presence instead of being hidden within the towers. Second, they would meet a Passive House standard for energy conservation, anticipating Local Law 31 requiring more stringent energy-use reduction coming into effect in 2020. The law mandates that public buildings in New York City reduce energy use by 40 percent by 2030 and achieve a net-zero threshold by 2050, putting the schools 25 years ahead of regulations.

To give each component its own identity, ARO designed the high school so it would appear as a floating cube appropriate for a broad thoroughfare like Flatbush Avenue, while crafting the entrance to the elementary school to step down to a brownstone block on State Street. A cocoa-colored brick rain screen facade, syncopated with recessed and projected planes and high-performing punched windows, gives an expressiveness to the exterior facing Flatbush, while employing a neutral surface material that doesn’t stand out extravagantly in the neighborhood. A mesh trellis will eventually be overgrown with plants, providing a visual buffer for the terrace outside a third-floor cafeteria. “We tried to make something that felt like a civic building and told high school students it’s their building in the city,” Cassell said.

The cantilevered entry to the 350-student progressive elementary school, Elizabeth Jennings School for Bold Explorers, has a more residential feel to it, buffered by flowering planters, and its lobby has a lower ceiling. Meanwhile, the front doors of the high school—the 500-student Khalil Gibran International Academy, which provides Arabic language classes—has a more cosmopolitan, urbane sensibility. Its lobby opens onto a public plaza facing busy Flatbush Avenue, and its terrace and ground-level retail spaces add urban activity and continuity to the nearby commercial corridor on Flatbush. “We wanted the high school students to be integrated into the liveliness of the city,” said ARO project director Dominic Griffin.

Inside, most of the elementary school classrooms are on the fourth and fifth floors, with the high school on the sixth and seventh, and the third floor split between the two schools, separated by a pair of doors. Kitchen services are shared, but the cafeterias and gyms for each school are autonomous, and the terrace outside the cafeteria gives the high school students a private outdoor social area.

Structurally, the steel framing of the combined building is relatively standard: slab on metal deck, with steel and concrete slabs acting compositely to make a stronger steel section. Girders that are 21 to 24 inches wide and steel beams 14 inches wide span distances ranging from 132 to 190 feet, supported by steel columns set 24 to 28 inches apart. Most of the foundations are concrete spread footings bearing on four-ton-per-square-foot soil. Select areas with high concentrated loads or lateral uplift use steel micropiles drilled into the soil.

To achieve Passive House standards, the structure employs thick insulation, high-performing windows, a tight envelope, and thermal breaks between the columns and the foundation, using high-density polyurethane pads to prevent thermal bridging and interrupt the transfer of energy through the structure. “We’re starting to see such energy-conserving strategies even in projects that don’t aim for Passive House standards,” said Jason Tipold, structural engineer and principal of TYLin.

Engineering the complex geometry of the site demanded some delicate balancing of lateral structural loads and strategic cross-bracing set back from the façade to prevent daylight from being blocked. But the trickiest aspect of the project came from the constrained building site. Traffic on Flatbush Avenue could not be blocked during construction, and a subway tunnel runs directly adjacent to the site beneath Schermerhorn Street. That meant there was nowhere for the crane to sit except on top of the base of the building as it was being erected. Crane engineers had to reinforce the first floor of the building with extra thick beams to absorb the weight of the crane and materials being lifted, practically making the building a part of the construction machinery. Simultaneous construction of the 44-story tower also required the careful staging of work.

The other distinctively reinforced parts of the structure are a customized gymnatorium—a combined gym and auditorium—lit from clerestory windows facing State Street, a top-floor gymnasium, and a recycled-rubber-floored rooftop play terrace framed with AESS stainless steel tubes and tensioned wire mesh to prevent balls from flying off the roof. Because of the 60 to 63 foot spans of open space, the ceilings of the gyms are supported by long steel trusses with wide flange members, welded together by Orange County Ironworks in their Montgomery, New York shop and delivered to the site on trucks with extended trailers. Many of the mechanical building systems were hidden in the trusses to save ceiling space for the gymnatorium. The stainless steel and mesh cage of the play terrace also had to be specified as architecturally exposed structural steel to withstand exposure to the elements.

Ultimately, these highly specific, customized elements that negotiate the constraints of the site give the schools a strong civic presence. “It was a lot more work but it makes it a better building,” said Cassell, “and creates a school where students have a sense of belonging, engagement, and pride.”

With the development’s yet-to-be-started tower anticipated to be the second tallest in all of Brooklyn, there’s little doubt the complex will remain abhorrent to some residents of Boerum Hill, despite the appeasement of public schools, exceptional environmental standards, and the 45 low-income rentals so far included. But the project has already provided dozens of rentals far below the market rate and a pair of public schools whose design and construction met demanding environmental standards, pointing to a bright future for high-performing city institutions.

Diller Scofidio + Renfro and the Fascist City in A + U

"The Legend of Avant-Garde Architecture and the Rise of the Market-Fundamentalist City," A + U, July 2025.


The evolution of Diller Scofidio + Renfro’s office, from Liz Diller and Ric Scofidio’s early interdisciplinary collaborations to the firm’s later work for major cultural, institutional, and business clients, tracks the systematic destruction of democratic society and the rise of market fundamentalist ideology.


The legend of Diller Scofidio + Renfro’s architecture dates back to the studio’s formation in the early-to-mid 1980s, when Liz Diller and Ric Scofidio participated in a series of avant-garde projects with sculptors and theater people as a part of Art on the Beach, an annual event sponsored by public art organization Creative Time, founded amid the collapse of the office tower market in Lower Manhattan in the early 1970s. The photographs of these open-air projects show a spectacular scene of installations and performances on a vast empty terrain in the shadow of the Twin Towers. Soil and granite from digging the foundations of the World Trade Center had been dumped on the edge of the Hudson River to create new land. It was a vacant space quickly adopted for artistic experiments, at least at first. The mythology of these events suggested that they became formative of innovative urban development more sensitive to public needs and desires than they otherwise would have been. City planners reengineered the ground and converted it into a neighborhood of mid-rise brick-faced upper-middle-class dwellings that included a significant land art project at South Cove by pioneering earth artist Mary Miss in collaboration with landscape architect Susan Child and architect Stanton Eckstut along its extensive waterfront walkway. But as Miss learned over the years, a visual artist’s public art interventions could easily be readapted, neglected, mistreated, scrapped, and redeveloped against her will—even those of a figure as renowned as Miss—threatening her built legacy.

Diller went a different way. She left the world of downtown avant-garde interventions behind. She mostly refuses to talk about those days—that was far in the past. Her office became an influential architecture practice, in 2005 adding as a partner Charles Renfro—a member of the team since 1997—who would bring significant technical and building expertise, new clients, as well as a spirit of mischievousness. DS+R once prided itself on never taking real-estate development projects like luxury housing, focusing on cultural and educational spaces. But over the years, it has increasing claimed major institutional and developer clients like Lincoln Center, Columbia University, real-estate behemoth the Related Companies, and search engine monopoly Google, producing significant new features of the landscape in New York City and beyond. They even have a project for the US State Department to renovate the embassy in El Salvador, now among the havens of crypto-fascist governance in Central America, collaborating with the Trump fascist regime in extralegal detentions of US immigrants.

Yet, somehow, DS+R maintained the avant-garde cache of those early years. Among their claims to fame, they share credit with James Corner Field Operations for the redevelopment of the High Line in 2009 as a pedestrian thoroughfare along a former rail line, which passes through the increasingly absurd real-estate spectacle of Chelsea. Supermodernist gestures like the staggered patterns of walkways, view corridors onto 10th Avenue, and concrete formwork seating that slants down and merges with the ground bear the hallmarks of the office’s techno-optimist style. DS+R designs with a self-assurance at times bordering on hubris that architectural solutions can mediate any programmatic challenge.

In 2013, they parleyed their High Line cache into a commission for a new park in Moscow at the footsteps of the Kremlin, on the edge of Red Square. In Zaryadye Park, a procession of Eurasian birch trees, grasses, and shrubs winds downhill from a glass-crusted outdoor amphitheater topping the new Philharmonic Hall, framing photogenic views of the candy-colored cupolas of St. Basil’s Cathedral. The park’s verdant terrain folds onto the rooftops of four scalloped pavilions that shelter a botanical display, an educational center, a food court, and a screening room for an immersive 3D film on Russian history. Granite pavers resembling the High Line’s pedestrian pathways stretch onto a boomerang-shaped overlook that cantilevers over the Moskva River, where visitors of all ages and groups compulsively photograph themselves against the backdrop of the Kremlin. Completed in 2017 with Citymakers and Hargreaves Associates, it was meant to function as a public space in the fullest sense, offering a place for Russian citizens to gather freely, express themselves, and potentially foment social and political change. It didn’t turn out that way—for now—as a few years later Russian president Vladimir Putin, a sponsor of the project through the office of Moscow’s chief architect, invaded Ukraine, leading to a total collapse of Russian civil society.

To a large extent, DS+R’s New York City work offers a US counterpart to that story. As politics in the US verged rightward year after year and the society became rapidly dominated by market-fundamentalist ideology, architecture followed. To get built, everything had to serve the interests of financial capitalism. If a project benefited Wall Street and real-estate developers, it was considered good for everyone. A complicated relationship with the rising oligarchy unfolded. DS+R’s Shed, a cultural venue within the Hudson Yards luxury housing, office, and shopping mall development—built on top of an active railyard on the western edge of Chelsea—came to life as a result of Liz Diller’s dedication. It was originally conceived as a generic cultural space of undetermined function written into the planning guidelines of the Hudson Yards special zoning district, which specified what form future development should take on the site. Hired by the real-estate corporation Related Companies—headed by a conservative Republican who enthusiastically endorsed and donated to Trump’s election campaign—DS+R for the first time accepted a luxury housing commission, designing an adjoining residential tower alongside the cultural venue. Diller would personally shape the program for the Shed as a place for challenging performances and exhibitions requiring expansive open spaces unavailable within existing theaters and museums. A section of the structure cleverly expands on rolling steel wheels into a public space bordering the High Line. Diller had to build the institution from scratch, gathering tens of millions of dollars in donations from billionaire oligarchs to fund its construction and programming.

DS+R’s academic buildings for the Columbia University School of Business confronted another potential headache in terms of its rationale. Two slightly abstracted sculptural volumes—the eight-story David Geffen Hall and the eleven-story Henry R. Kravis Hall—sit on opposite sides of a quad-like grass park designed by Field Operations, encircled by benches and a stage. Shapely floor slabs expressed in the facades use glass inset from the structure on the student levels and fritted glass on faculty levels to give their forms a distinctively fashionable flair. When it opened in 2021, the business school pitched itself as a progressive alternative to the prevailing market-fundamentalist economic theory: it claimed the college would nurture community-oriented values, mentor small businesses in Harlem, and provide ample public space open to everyone. But the Columbia University campus extension project had an ugly history.

The problem was that the humanistic claims of the business school sounded like hypocritical rationalizations given the undemocratic, anti-community development process the university deployed to expand the campus. The two new buildings joined an extensive medical school complex designed by Renzo Piano in erasing the neighborhood of Manhattanville. Acquiring seventeen acres from hundreds of existing property owners starting in 2002, Columbia ultimately used the state’s power of eminent domain to force landowners to sell their lots in 2008. This was explicitly against the local community board’s wishes. A group of small businesses sued in state court and lost.

By the time it opened in 2021, few people remembered the history of forced land sales and community opposition, but for those who did, no amount of beautiful architecture could compensate for the land expropriation used as a method of development. It would have been better if, within Columbia’s pristine new campus, a few spite houses of local mechanics plying their trade had survived among the Wall Street traders and tech startups designed to maximize shareholder value the school is churning out. To small businesses, the message of the project was clear: the wealthy and powerful could use their influence to get what they wanted. As in many of New York projects during the last decade, the possibility for a more diverse, more equitable city was being eliminated. Manhattanville was wiped off the map.

It was an echo of an infamous urban development project from another era. In the 1950s, New York City had built new cultural facilities for its major opera, philharmonic, chamber music, and ballet companies, along with a campus for Juilliard School of Music, hiring the most renowned architects of that time. Among them were Max Abramovitz and Wallace Harrison, close associates of the Rockefeller family—the major US oligarchs of that time—and Philip Johnson, scion of an aluminum manufacturing family and architecture curator at the Museum of Modern Art. To build the 16.3-acre development, the state had dispossessed 7,000 low-income predominantly Black and Puerto Rican families and 800 small businesses in San Juan Hill. It remains one of the more egregious examples of the early-to-mid twentieth-century state-run development process known as urban renewal, in which city planners used and abused their dictatorial authority to achieve public objectives. San Juan Hill completely disappeared.

When DS+R stepped in to realize a campus renovation masterplan for Lincoln Center starting in 2002, updating its public spaces for greater accessibility and openness, renovating and expanding the Juilliard school (2009), and designing a dexterous intervention, slicing through the façade of Alice Tully Hall to bring light into its lobby and create an urban plaza on Broadway (2009), no one expected them to restore the lost neighborhood of San Juan Hill. Eventually, a major renovation of Lincoln Center’s David Geffen Hall by Diamond Schmitt Architects and Tod Williams Billie Tsien effected a similar openness for the philharmonic building, adding a colorful mural on its northern façade, San Juan Heal by Nina Chanel Abney, as a gesture of remembrance of the violent urban development history. Architecture has limits of what it can do. It has little impact on public policy. But magical thinking about its beauty shouldn’t overwhelm our critical understanding of history. All of this development and redevelopment was funded by billionaires. The architecture tracks the systematic destruction of democratic society happening through the extreme concentration of wealth and the domination of economic and political spheres by the billionaire class.

More recently, DS+R designed new offices for the information monopoly Google, renovating a section of Pier 57 on the Far West Side of Manhattan, near the southern edge of the High Line. The design pitch, again, foregrounds the public-oriented functions of a few of the spaces—a rooftop garden and a food hall—with a visual openness toward the predominantly private spaces of the tech giant. The pier is owned by the Hudson River Park Trust, a nonprofit that operates the park along the west side of Manhattan. According to DS+R, the renovation “transforms an icon of New York’s twentieth-century maritime prowess into a democratic symbol of the city’s twenty-first century knowledge economy.” I would rather have Google share the wealth from its expropriation of advertising from print media. Among the industries systematically plundered by the way new “knowledge economy” now functions has been journalism, a theft of resources visible in the architecture and design press in grotesque ways, such as the lack of increase in the pay rate of journalists for at least two generations. A key sector of free society has essentially been destroyed, replaced with “information,” distributed without any regulation, tools of critical examination, verification, or protection against disinformation distributed by anti-liberal regimes. Google is a market-fundamentalist enterprise operating to produce short-term profits for shareholders. No matter how much the architecture offers transparency toward the inside, it cannot intervene in any meaningful way in the deeper social collapse that is being produced around it.

In October 2018, Diller collaborated with the poet Anne Carson, playwright Claudia Rankine, and the composer David Lang on the Mile-Long Opera, an extraordinary performance on the High Line hearkening back to her earliest work in Art on the Beach. Performers of especially diverse ethnicity and age groups (white, black, and brown, and many seniors) were arrayed along the entirety of the High Line, some of them singing in operatic voices, some expressing poetic lines naturalistically in their own voices. Actors were situated throughout the different levels of the pedestrian walkway, sometimes with dramatic new luxury towers under construction visible behind them, such as Bjarke Ingels’s twisting Eleventh tower. Carrying flashlights to illuminate the improvised staging, some of the performers were set off by street scenes of dumpsters piled with debris, others embedded in the complex landscape of the High Line, where the park extends onto a veranda and flows below the main promenade.

The mixture of everyday life, poetry, and operatic performance wove theater with the unscripted conversations of passersby, creating a visually compelling story evocative of the deeper resonances and political meaning of urbanism. It evoked the power of diversity and humanism as day-to-day experiences, difference and equality of opportunity embedded in the flow of urban society, the power of person-to-person interaction in public space as a mediating force for the democratic values of civic life. The piece recalled some of the values that are ultimately missing from the corporatized, privatized city colonized by tech billionaires, financial capitalism, and the now-predominant market-fundamentalist ideology of the US underlying the Trump fascist regime.

On Small Offices in Oculus, Summer 2025

Small Offices, Big Ideas: Working in a small office can result in greater attention to clients, close collaborative relationships, creative independence, and the ability to focus on projects that are meaningful and personally rewarding. The small offices spotlighted here demonstrate that you don’t need a large staff to make a big impact, Oculus, Summer 2025.


It is generally assumed within our financialized world that unending growth is an absolute, essential good, desired by everyone. Yet declining growth or merely staying at the same level of output does not necessarily have to threaten the entire economic system. Apart from its potential ecological benefits (mitigating global warming, land-system change, and biodiversity loss), limiting growth and remaining small has certain underacknowledged advantages. According to a handful of New York City architecture offices, running a small studio can help offer greater attention to clients, enable better project management, enhance personal well-being and satisfaction, and encourage a profound sense of engagement in the work at hand. And being part of a small team can have a big impact in terms of producing influential ideas.

Full story featuring Jeremiah Russell of Rogue Architecture, Yalda Keramati of Reframe Architecture, Ziad Jamaleddin and Makram El Kadi of L.E.FT Architects, J. Yolande Daniels of studioSUMO, Ioannis Oikonomou of Oiio Studio, Pablo Castro and Jennifer Lee of OBRA Architects, and Michael Bell and Eunjong Seong of Visible Weather. 



8 Minutes, 20 Seconds: Housing After Banking Encrypting the Sun by Michael Bell and Eunjeong Seong

8 Minutes, 20 Seconds: Housing After Banking Encrypting the Sun by Michael Bell and Eunjeong Seong. Edited by Stephen Zacks (Actar, Spring 2025)

Energy generated by nuclear fusion of the Sun reaches the surface of the Earth in 8 minutes and 20 seconds. 8 Minutes, 20 Seconds imagines an architecture based on renewable energy, caching forms of energy that are essentially inexhaustible and persistent, and virtually non-denumerable in quantity. It anticipates a post-scarcity era enabled and reorganized by a new form of housing that serves as an arbiter of post-sustainability human settlements. 

Proposing a new form of housing only achievable through advanced manufacturing we ask: “what if what was a housing asset becomes a new form of energy asset whose downstream by-product is shelter?” 


Metropolis 100 Community Design Student Projects

"These Students are Reclaiming Community Through Experimental Design: Future100 award–winning student projects reimagine what nurtures society—and what the traditional housing market neglects," Metropolis, June 2025.


Community is one of the most neglected dimensions of contemporary society, often overshadowed by the dominant belief that capital accumulation and consumption can fulfill our every need. A collection of projects from Future100 student portfolios highlights the essential role of noncommercial community spaces in fostering well-being. These projects rethink institutions that serve as third spaces or meeting places between home and work, offering opportunities for neighborhood residents to gather, strengthen social ties, and repair damage from past problematic legacies against communities of color. 

Several of these projects concentrate on amplifying community-based institutions. In her proposed renovation of a Lithuanian American social club in Providence, Rhode Island, RISD interior architecture graduate student Yerim Jang reimagines a public space that honors its heritage while expanding its relevance. Called Threads of Journeys, the community center features interactive exhibits and video oral histories to preserve the club’s history, while flexible, modular spaces invite diverse groups from the surrounding neighborhood to meet and collaborate.

In her reimagining of a historic farmers’ market in San Francisco at the nexus of the Bernal Heights neighborhood, a canyon, and a highway, California College of the Arts M.Arch student Layla Namak intervenes to expand the market’s role as an urban connector. Observing that the existing building didn’t encourage visitors to circulate throughout its interior, Namak proposes replacing it with a soaring, exuberantly daylit structure that pulls people through from one end to the other. Along with a food hall and stalls for produce vendors, the plan includes classrooms, social services, and a library to engage community users.

In the Little Caribbean area of Flatbush, Brooklyn, bachelor in architecture student Evelyn Krutoy at the City College of New York designed a community center in consultation with the GrowHouse neighborhood organization, with space for gardens, food vendors, art exhibitions, and educational exchange. Employing terra-cotta details and rich colors, Krutoy wove together a communal kitchen, café, coworking, classroom spaces, offices, and a rooftop garden–creating a design that sensitively addresses the urban design scale as well as the scale of the interior. 

For his design of a city block in Portland’s Albina neighborhood—previously razed for a never-built hospital—Cornell bachelor in architecture student Omar Leon integrates residential buildings and community spaces into a holistic concept of well-being that includes community gardening, green building, and healthy lifestyles. Instead of private backyards, the plan prioritizes shared central spaces. “Since the whole block was empty, the idea was to create those smaller communal spaces at the block level to create a community that was self-sufficient in a way,” says Leon.

At a similar urban scale in Los Angeles and New Orleans, Sci-Arc M.Arch recent graduate Michael Boldt and Tulane bachelor in architecture student Brandon Gicquel explore how housing developments can preserve and produce communities. For Boldt, that meant creating mixed-used residential spaces in L.A.’s Arts District on the site of a polluted rail yard that has been adopted as an ad hoc arts space. His design process involved using a 3D scan of the site with AI-driven regenerative design to grow buildings that also preserve shared artist spaces for fabrication, assembly, and living. 

Gicquel’s design borrows the vernacular of shotgun houses in New Orleans’s West Riverside neighborhood, rotating and stacking volumes around a central courtyard so that artists and musicians of different ages and cultural traditions have room to perform and show their work. “The emphasis shifts from the dwelling unit to the courtyard,” says Gicquel. “A community is generated as opposed to the isolated living approach that is often prevalent in suburban communities.”

Metropolis 100 Architecture Students on Healing Power of Water in Metropolis


"These Architecture Students Explore the Healing Power of Water: Design projects centered on water promote wellness, celebrate infrastructure, and reconnect communities with their environment," Metropolis, Jun. 6, 2025.

Five projects from this year’s METROPOLIS Future100 winners recognize water’s essential role in life, integrating the element into libraries, community centers, wellness retreats, and structures that showcase its impact. 

Several students centered their projects on water’s restorative qualities. Marianna Godfrey’s proposal for a wellness retreat at Sweetwater Creek State Park outside of Atlanta, Georgia, attempts to repair the legacies of Cherokee expulsion and slavery by using the ruins of a brick manufacturing plant and cotton mill that used forced labor to treat post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD). The University of Michigan M. Arch student’s idea is to extend the intervention above a natural stream while providing views and access to the water. The wellness retreat frames the encounters with the natural world as opportunities for meditation for individual and group therapy. “There are significant studies that indicate that any kind of landscape, nature, and water is very helpful for healing, particularly for PTSD treatment,” says Godfrey.

Likewise, University of Texas interior design master’s student Winnie Lin revitalizes a senior living facility in Austin, incorporating a spa retreat, lap pools, jacuzzi, and children’s pool into the structure to help treat arthritis and enhance community access. “Pools are a heavy part of Austin life, and in that area, there was not an accessible pool to the public,” Lin says. “With a diagnosis of arthritis, not only does a pool make sense for seniors, but as a site context, it also fits with the rest of the community at large.”

L.E.S. Ecosocialist Utopias for ABC No Rio 45 at Emily Harvey Foundation

Emily Harvey Foundation, ABC No Rio 45, A Fire in the Forest of Possibilities. Is ‘What If’ Now ‘What Was’? A Walk through the Utopian Loisaida Past and Present, “L.E.S. Ecosocialist Utopias,” Apr. 19. 2025.



The Fascist Assault on Academic Freedom Relies on Thinly Supported Claims of Campus Anti-Semitism on Substack

 

"The Fascist Assault on Academic Freedom Relies on Thinly Supported Claims of Campus Anti-Semitism," Substack, Mar. 27, 2025.


The fascists needed to be able to pretend antisemitism was a real threat to Jewish people. Their victory—if they really won the election, to the extent that they managed to depress turnout and suppress the vote in key states, probably also hacking voting machines in select districts—depended on Israeli fascist Netanyahu and his genocidal alliance of Jewish bigots pursuing a one-sided war of bombing, starvation, human rights crimes, expulsion, systematic murder of journalists, and violence against Israeli domestic opposition. Hamas offered the perfect foil for this end of civilizational battle, having so severely violated the laws of war and norms of the international order that any level of violence would be excused by the ideological allies of Israel: Christian conservatives, right-wing fascists, and conventional middle-class Jews—the closet fascists of US democracy. Ostensibly liberal adherents to all of the basic norms of the US constitutional system, ardent believers in the Bill of Rights—freedom of speech, freedom of assembly, freedom of conscience, freedom against unreasonable search and seizure, and due process—they would easily discard any and all safeguards against fascism if called to defend the purportedly threatened Jewish people.

This set the perfect stage for exploitation by right-wing movements in the US. At university campuses, the self-evident crimes of war being perpetrated by Israel, and the arms and funding being supplied by the US government—by a Democratic administration and with support from a majority of Congress in both parties, but with significant opposition only from the Democratic side—led to a militant anti-war movement, especially on college campuses. And what was the claim against these anti-genocide protesters? That some of them—or at least one of them, according to an extensive New York Times report on the Columbia University protests—sometimes said things that were anti-Semitic, or at any rate anti-Zionist, that sometimes crossed the normative discursive line and therefore were threatening to Jewish students, who had to be protected against speech. In other words, the rhetoric of the right, which became widely accepted by a mainstream press too afraid to investigate, ask questions, probe, and ultimately, tell the truth, was that the college student protesters and members of the anti-genocide, anti-war movement, were a physical threat to Jewish people themselves and therefore had to be violently repressed by the police. Indeed, it was widely claimed the protesters were sympathetic to Hamas, or at any rate said things that denied the right of Israel to exist. Was this a thought crime? Constitutional and human rights conventions were firmly on the side of the protesters. But the political class fell over themselves to prove their pro-Zionist, non-anti-Semitic bona fides. We were already far along the pathway to fascism by that point.

What came next was as outrageous and antidemocratic as anything since the Red Scare and McCarthyism in the late 1940s and 1950s. A pressure campaign led by right-wing Republicans and Jewish billionaire philanthropists, in a stunning abuse of power and influence, began to pressure university presidents to suppress free speech on college campus and to shut down anti-genocide protests. Leaders of universities were dragged in front of Congress and boards of trustees. If they had stood up for academic freedom, as their positions required of them, they had no other option other than to loudly proclaim the right to freedom of inquiry and freedom of expression that are essential to universities as institutions in Western society. Most of them utterly failed in their duty. They failed to defend their universities and abandoned the values of the university system itself. They brought in the police to violently arrest protesters and shut down campus speech. Those who complied and those who didn’t were fired. Yet those who complied behaved shamefully and left the university system itself exposed to repressive attacks that would follow the rise to power of the true fascists: the MAGA Republicans.

Meanwhile, how did the educated public respond to such a naked, unconstitutional attack on the fundamental principles of a free society? Let’s stipulate that for decades, misinformed conservative cable news viewers had been primed to believe that universities themselves were under attack from within by enemies of academic freedom. (Never mind that these same outlets were themselves opposed to the fundamentally liberal principles of free inquiry of the university system.) They had been told that freedom of speech was being systematically suppressed by so-called “woke” adherents of identity politics. These were the real fascists, viewers were told: the illiberal left no longer permitted free debate on college campuses. College campuses were too far extreme left, they were told. Those who disagreed with the “woke mafia” were being silenced and victimized, it was claimed.

So when a few ardently Zionist Jewish students claimed to have been harassed on campuses—it was never clear for what, how were they supposedly even identified as Jewish, what specifically happened, and in what context, only broad statements designed to evoke moral panic and reactionary responses—the unquestioning defenders of the “Jewish state” were quick to accept what amounted to a total victory of fascism over liberalism. They would defend the “Jewish people” at absolutely any price, completely deny the crimes of the genocidal state—playing coy linguistic games, mainly, to deflect from the overwhelming evidence and clear international conventions—and accept the total collapse of academic freedom and shocking assaults on freedom of expression. The anti-genocidal movement was largely composed of and substantially led by Jewish people. But the Jewish people had to be repressed to save the Jewish people.

The elephant in the room for those crying anti-Semitism is obviously the almost total absence of any evidence of harm to Jewish students or to Jewish people. Particularly compared to the current murder of tens of thousands if not hundreds of thousands of Palestinians by the so-called “Jewish state,” along with the displacement of millions from their homes—not to mention countless other perpetual human rights abuses and violations that have continued unabated for going on a century. Organizations like the Anti-Defamation League have spent more than a century claiming that anti-Semitism is everywhere, in recent years documenting supposed incidents on college campuses with a propagandistic zeal designed to uncritically corral Jewish American support for the so-called “Jewish state.” What evidence have they offered that all of this supposed anti-Semitism is not simply legitimate criticism of the self-proclaimed “Jewish state” committing crimes against humanity that should never be allowed to pass without being vigorously denounced? Very thin evidence. They report Jewish students “feeling threatened” and widely conflate anti-Semitism and anti-Zionism in their survey methodology, leaning into the confirmation bias of an organization specifically seeking to prove its own point.

Now that critics of Israel are being denied due process, arrested, and illegally deported, where are these supposedly ardent believers in rights of students to freedom of conscience, speech, and academic inquiry? If they really believed that the left had been unfairly suppressing the speech of on the part of the rightwing, they should surely be outraged that the inverse is happening, not just on the part of students—who have every right to independently organize and protest against speech they object to. Now the federal government itself has put its thumb on the scales to repress our constitutional rights. But we hear no objections from Republicans in Congress of these unconstitutional actions of the fascist Republican government. It turns out that they only wanted a monopoly on speech for themselves. One is reminded of free speech absolutists like Nat Hentoff, one-time columnist for the Village Voice, who for his entire career rejected those on the left who protested against conservative and reactionary speakers on campus, arguing that the antidote to reactionary voices was criticism—more speech, not less. Now more than ever it’s clear why he had a point.

Do Not Buy US Products Under This Government on Substack

 
"Do Not Buy US Products Under This Government," Substack, Mar. 10, 2025. 


In 1999, now-disgraced public television host Charlie Rose was interviewing German foreign minister Joschka Fischer of the eco-socialist Green Party, who had joined the coalition led by Gerhard Schroeder’s Social Democratic Party governing Germany from 1998 to 2005. Having grown up in the aftermath of World War II in a time when US soldiers were a part of everyday life in Germany, becoming a leftist radical during the Vietnam War, Fischer reflected on the current crisis in Europe, in which NATO, led by the US military, was bombing Serbia in an effort to prevent the expulsion of Kosovar Albanians from Kosovo.

With a dry but charismatic statesmanship, Fischer expressed affection for the US. He didn’t fear the US’s superpower status. He felt that the average US citizen’s limited interest in the world was essentially a good thing. They were looking more on the “inside,” he said. He didn’t fear the US becoming a colonial empire occupying other countries because their ignorance of other places meant that Americans mainly cared about buying shit for themselves, getting fat, and fucking. At least that’s how I read into it. But a few years later, after the US’s invasion of Afghanistan and Iraq and the Bush administration’s horrible failures, imperiled by their fundamental lack of anthropological understanding of cultural differences, Fischer’s tone changed. He regretted how “inside looking” the country was, and wished that “public opinion would look more to the outside.”
I have been remembering this conversation lately because of the so-called “America First” ideology of the current administration and its total contempt for alliances beyond the US. I spent the last two decades attempting to better grasp the changing patterns of urbanism and development that predominated in New York City between the late 1950s and our time. The closer you looked, the more you saw a familiar pattern. The ideology of the market fundamentalism—the idea that the free market was going to miraculously solve every human problem and meet every need without government regulation, investment, or oversight—little by little comes to completely overtake common sense in every realm of policy. This pervasive blind faith in the market—more than racism, more than Christian fundamentalism, more than the US’s imperial history, more than the decline in public education, more than systematic failures of media leading to a distorted understanding of the world—is what accounts for the current collapse of the US. The US is no longer functional because its citizens no longer believe in anything but the ideology of market fundamentalism.

Market fundamentalism is an ideology of capitalism that grew out of economists’ reaction against the rise of Nazism in Germany and Communism in the Soviet Union. It takes government itself to be the common enemy of the free market, and naively ignores all of the necessary conditions provided by governments that enable actually functional markets to perform in ways that are not destructive to the greater public interest.

It would be worth looking in close detail at the comments of the most vociferous defenders and champions of the unholy alliance of Trump and Musk. You tend to see a repeated pattern of blind faith in their “genius” and reference to their wealth itself as evidence of their righteousness. Belief in their profiteering off of the government is seen as a virtue in itself, not a reason for criticism. Right-wing toadies think billionaires are right because they are rich, ipso facto. This is the cult of market extremism. This is the reason why boycotts, strikes, divestment in US companies, reducing consumption, and anything that brings about market failure is the best way to fight the Nazi Republican fascists. Do not buy US products under this government.

Get Out If You Can Make No Compromise with the Nazi Republicans on Substack

 
"Get Out If You Can: Make No Compromise with the Nazi Republicans," Substack, Feb. 26, 2025. 


I have read a few recent articles published in mainstream US newspapers, written by expatriates cautioning Americans against going into exile in response to the atrocious US presidency. It’s worth exploring the other side: at what point would it be better to abandon the failed US state, to distance oneself from the constant stream of bullshit occupying the airwaves, to take a leave from the unending flood of anger necessarily experienced by anyone with common sense looking at the news: the nonstop human rights violations, the systematic destruction of liberal institutions, the efforts to undermine forms of governance providing any insulation against total control of our lives by market-fundamentalist extremists and the ruling party that I call, with precise accuracy, the Nazi Republicans. Their tendency to embrace the Hitler salute only confirms the overwhelming evidence offered by their words and actions. They told us who they are. Under no circumstances should this behavior be excused and rationalized.
Let’s put aside the peroration of evil deeds by the criminals in power and just call it like it is. On the face of it, we all know they are grifters whose only interest is theft of public resources and manipulation of policy for their own enrichment. And we know that the judicial system that should have long ago imprisoned them for various forms of fraud and misconduct is ill-equipped to produce the justice we long for. The billionaires have proven they can buy the justice system.

Our voices no longer matter, drowned out by bullshit, bought out by outrageous fictions invented to hide evidence that is plain for everyone to see. Yet we see it: we see the willingness of the so-called “Jewish state” to commit any form of human rights violation to exercise its colonial control over land it claims a God-given ownership of dating from 3,000 years ago, somehow entitling them to dispossess people’s home and bulldoze communities with a heritage equally longstanding. We see billionaires willing to commit every kind of calumny and disgrace to defame those who protest as “anti-Semitic,” including a majority of Jewish people.

Our speech has been stolen and violated by the willful ignorance of a justice system that chose to equate political campaign spending with free speech, turning wealth into an overwhelming silencer of the will of the majority of the people, most of whom can barely pay their rent and mortgages, and who effectively no longer have political representation in the US. The strongest possible way I can speak is by total rejection and non-participation in the garbage political system of the US.

This is why I have left the US, for now, and the life that I loved in my hometown of East Williamsburg, Brooklyn, a little corner of the world a couple of blocks from a decent public tennis court, where I was happy to live near a homeless shelter, public housing, my friend’s vintage store, and a really deep and meaningful community of people I felt connected to over the course of decades, eking out my existence as an independent writer on architecture and the city.
I came to Mexico City four weeks ago, initially as a trial, renting a room through Airbnb in San Miguel Chapultepec and renting out my room in East Williamsburg. (Then it turned out that one of Airbnb’s co-founders was also a Nazi collaborator. No part of our lives is free from rent-seeking oligarchs.) I had been studying Spanish fairly intensively for two years, about an hour-and-a-half every day, in the eventuality that I would feel compelled to leave the US after the last disastrous four years of Nazi Republican rule.

And I had become increasingly conscious that I was living at the footsteps of Latin America with barely any ability to experience the incredible richness and diversity of cultures within a few hours of air travel away. I sought out the most cosmopolitan city in Latin America, where I could live a similar lifestyle that I love, a cultural hub with a lively contemporary art scene, great food, people I can play tennis with every day, and the beginning of a community who I share values with, can discuss ideas with, can join for gallery walks and musical performances, dinners, and maybe, eventually, can have enough of a community to invite to my semi-annual solstice parties. All signs pointed to Mexico City. It’s all the more reaffirming that some of the earliest outrages of the Nazi Republicans and their biggest strategic failures have been against the Mexican government and people. I’m absolutely delighted to make common cause with the Mexican people against the Nazi Republican state.

I am well aware that this is not a choice available to most Americans. (I am tempted to say United States-ians, since America is a continent, and all of its people, North, South, and Central Americas, are Americans. Citizens of the US are estadounidense.) I am single, I work for myself, and I can do so anywhere in the world, as long as my editors continue to give me assignments and publishers books to write and edit. Failing that, I know how to build, paint, and fix things. My greatest heroes were expatriates who disassociated themselves from the violent states into which they were born, sometimes at great personal expense, and produced some of the most important, enduring work in modern arts and letters.

I cannot say how long I will be gone. For now, I have extended my trip until June. The news from the US does not give me much hope that it would be safe to return any time soon. I am happy to see the increase in protests and the small bits of truth-telling that periodically sneak through the profit-seeking corporations that own every form and channel of media through which our voices can be heard. I am glad that liberal nonprofits have been organizing to contest the regime’s illegal actions in court well before I imagined it was possible for such a disgusting government to be reelected.

Meanwhile, the rent here is easily half or a third of what it costs to live in the US—reminiscent of the style of living we used to enjoy on the East Side of Lansing in the early nineties, or in the illegal rooms built behind a theater on the Lower East Side of Manhattan in the late nineties. Around that time, the Clinton administration, compromising with the neo-conservative market-fundamentalist ideology that would become the dominant ideology of our time, essentially ended the production of new units of public housing, putting a stranglehold on the public sector’s ability to provide for the basic needs of citizens. Rents increased at twice the rate of inflation since that time.

Orchard House in Hudson Valley by IDSR Architecture in Dwell


"Budget Breakdown: The Foundation Is Also the Floor at This Shedlike $1.1M Hudson Valley Retreat: A concrete slab and corrugated metal siding root the energy-efficient home in an apple orchard with views of the Catskills," Dwell, February 14, 2025.


"Most of the architects of our generation were made aware of ecological concerns when we were brought up in school," says Rouhe, in part explaining why he and Ibañez de Sendadiano emphasize energy efficiency in their designs. (He’s a graduate of Southern California Institute of Architecture and Columbia University, and Ibañez de Sendadiano of Princeton.) "Still, there was a more formal agenda for the projects. Designing homes is more pragmatic in a way. It’s more utilitarian."

The Green Human Rights Agenda and the Future Democratic Majority on Substack

 

"The Green Human Rights Agenda and the Future Democratic Majority: An Unpublished Message from August 2024. Solidarity with the Palestinian struggle does not require abandoning all other groups and issues harmed by extremist Republican policies and governance," Substack, Feb. 13, 2025.


In a better world, leftists would have a majority party all our own to rally behind that adequately represents the outrage we feel about the criminal conduct of Israel in its expanding war, which appears determined to wipe out the possibility of Palestinian life within the territory it controls. That ideal party would endorse principles we hold to be sacrosanct and non-negotiable, such as human rights, the right to political representation, housing, and health care, and the prosecution of war crimes. But it would also have the realistic capacity to gain and exercise power. By this means, far before the current catastrophe, a government run by such a leftist party would have been withholding arms and aid to Israel, as well as to any power that systematically violated human rights.

France, for instance, has such a leftist party in La France Insoumise. Despite a functionally multiparty system and a substantial bloc of adherents, Les Insoumis have remained completely outside of power, with little influence on policy or governance. This makes voting for Les Insoumis, as a practical matter, an empty symbolic gesture. We should demand more from politics than performative gestures. We owe progressive allies more than symbolic votes that feel good to us personally and are ostensibly moral but have catastrophic consequences for them. Our political choices have the capacity to bring about specific changes, further higher principles, and prevent harm to billions of people. To act in a way that feels good personally but does irremediable harm to others is not moral behavior.

We should think strategically about political organizing. We need to be taking actions that have a probability of having an impact. We need to stop mindlessly marching and squatting in public space without a theory of how these actions bring about a change. Progressives, socialists, and anarchists of the past were deeply involved in movement building, going door to door for candidates, registering voters, and organizing coalitions of voters, even within coalitions with which they had profound disagreements, not sitting on the sidelines of electoral politics. Bernie Sanders’ 2016 candidacy left an important legacy of social democrats who form a powerful coalition in the House, despite some recent billionaire-funded defeats. This coalition should be supported and strengthened, not abandoned because of the impossibility—because of a lack of a governing majority and the current limited number of progressive congresspersons—of transforming the entire political system.

In the abstract, we always think better policies might pass if the Democrats had more “guts” when in power. Yet in practice, the Democrats’ governing majority in the last few decades has always been narrow, when it has existed. It has depended on conservative caucuses and center-right senators like Joe Manchin who were relatively pro-labor and populist, supplying the key majority vote for passage of health care reform, but whose reliance on local industries and conservative voters for political survival always blocked important green legislation. If we want to build a leftist governing majority, it will not be through a third-party candidacy but by building a bloc of leftist Democrats who caucus together—uniting together to influence policy—and who do so in a Democratic-majority context, in which Democrats have a majority in both houses of Congress and hold the presidency.

This may sound a bit obvious. Yet these political facts of life are frequently ignored and drowned out by leftist impetuousness and mysticism. The horrible failure of the Biden administration to restrain an ongoing humanitarian catastrophe in the Gaza Strip and now Lebanon make it even more urgent to clearly articulate how a Democratic-majority government would function with a substantial governing majority, producing probable outcomes that can be strategized and realized within its apparatus. Put simply, the concept of a strong Democratic governing majority in all branches of government with a green social democratic pro-human rights caucus pushing for more radical changes is absolutely essential for leftist voters and activists to grasp and work toward. If you believe in solidarity with the Palestinian cause, it is absolutely irresponsible to abandon politics and advocate not to vote, or to vote for a third party. This is the clearest way to further embolden far-right-wing authoritarian governments like Netanyahu’s in Israel.

We need to talk about how a lack of a governing majority limits or makes possible progressive, leftist policies, and how failing to achieve a governing majority—or turning against the Democrats for their failures in its absence—makes things irremediably worse. We need to organize for a solid governing majority with a progressive, leftist wing, not just for one term but through a series of elections every two years, in order to produce lasting changes over multiple generations.

Raymond Jungles Redesigns Phipps Ocean Park in Landscape Architecture Magazine

"A South Florida Park Gets a Raymond Jungles Makeover: The redesign of a Palm Beach park will spread the word on native plants," Landscape Architecture Magazine, November 6, 2024.


Phipps Ocean Park is an 18-acre stretch of Palm Beach, in South Florida, donated to the public in 1948 by the Phipps family, heirs of Carnegie Steel partner Henry Phipps. Concerned by redevelopment on the island, the Phipps family was worried that public access to the beach was being lost. Today, Phipps Ocean Park is owned by Palm Beach County, but it is hidden from the street behind north and south parking lots on either side of a fire station. A row of imported palm trees and a handful of indigenous sable palms are most of what remains of the original dune.

When the Preservation Foundation of Palm Beach began contemplating improvements to the grounds of the Little Red Schoolhouse, an 1886 one-room school relocated to the park in 1960, where it runs a living history program, its ambitions rapidly grew to include the surrounding landscape. “If we’re going to preserve our heritage, we need to be cognizant of the environmental issues at play,” says Amanda Skier, the foundation’s president and CEO.

Skier’s team hired the Miami-based landscape architect Raymond Jungles, FASLA, winner of the 2024 ASLA Design Medal, to craft a vision for a restored coastal ecosystem that could serve the foundation’s education and advocacy missions. Jungles brings an obvious passion for repopulating species often decimated by commercial developments. “I have a little bit of a subversive attitude,” Jungles says. “I want to bring the plants back that were there, and let those seeds be available to the squirrels and to the birds so that they can spread from where I’ve done my little landscape.”

Working with the ecological restoration specialist George Gann of the Institute for Regional Conservation, Jungles incorporated a matrix of local dune plants that will thrive together and uncover vistas. A topography of natural landforms recalls the original dunes of the Atlantic barrier island, and parking areas will include wide medians with shade trees. To highlight the importance of native dune plants and respond to their unavailability in commercial nurseries, the team is establishing the Coastal Restoration Center nursery within the park that will be run as an independent nonprofit in partnership with the Institute for Regional Conservation.

The center will grow local species and give them away for free. In effect, the park will be an evangelical wilderness, spreading the biodiversity gospel throughout the state. “We’ll know the project has been a success when every beach dune in Palm Beach has been restored,” Skier says.

Interviews with Ya-Ting Liu and Vishaan Chakrabarti, Oculus, Fall 2024


"Living in the Moment," Interviews with Ya-Ting Liu and Vishaan Chakrabarti, Oculus, Fall 2024. 


"I think about prioritizing public space management through what I call hardware, software, and “org-ware.” When it comes to hardware, it’s a lot of this capital stuff we were talking about at the be- ginning. Software gets into all the programming and maintenance work. Is it well maintained? Is it clean? Are interesting things happening in the space? That is critical, because you can build a brand-new plaza, but if it’s filled with trash, no one is going to use it. The software piece is just as important; it is not sexy, and hard to fund, but it is absolutely critical. The city relies on partners to do this work: business improvement districts, friends of parks groups, conservancies, neighborhood groups. But for partners who want to host an open street or do maintenance and programming, we make it very hard for them, so that’s been a real focus of ours. We need these partners—how do we make it easier for them?

And lastly, “org-ware” is more internal. How do you ensure this focus lasts through different administrations? The priority and emphasis always come from the mayor, deputy mayors, and senior levels of the administration. If the senior executive team is not focused on it, you won’t have a lot of juice or resources in your own office. The fact that the deputy mayor for operations has prioritized this has enabled us to do a lot in a short amount of time."